patriarchal authority

соц. патриархальная власть

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1. (от лат. auctoritas - власть, влияние)

власть; по М. Веберу - вероятность реализации воли индивида, несмотря на сопротивление; по Э. Гидденсу - преобразующая способность человека; по М. Фуко - знания, на основе которых создаются средства социального контроля;

2. полномочие;

3. администрация;

4. авторитет;

5. индивид, наделенный полномочиями.

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1) (от лат. auctoritas - власть, влияние) - власть; по М. Веберу - вероятность реализации воли индивида, несмотря на сопротивление; по Э. Гидденсу - преобразующая способность человека; по М. Фуко - знания, на основе которых создаются средства социального контроля;

2) полномочие;

3) администрация;

4) авторитет;

5) индивид, наделенный полномочиями.

patriarcale agg.

1 patriarchal: una famiglia patriarcale, a patriarchal family; società patriarcale, patriarchal society; autorità patriarcale, patriarchal authority; aspetto patriarcale, venerable appearance

2 (eccl.) patriarchal: chiesa patriarcale, patriarchal church.

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aggettivo patriarchal

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patriarcale

/patriar'kale/

aggettivo

patriarchal.

1 queen (informal) (homosexual).

2 madwoman.

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► nombre femenino

1 argot (homosexual afeminado) queen Table 1 NOTA See also loco,-a/Table 1

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1) ** (=homosexual) queen **

2) Cono Sur ** (=prostituta) whore

3)

- darle la loca a algn

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femenino ( ver tb loco II 1)) (fam) ( homosexual afeminado) queen (sl)

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= madwoman [madwomen, -pl.].

Ex. Much like the determined women who fueled feminism in the 1970s, these madwomen rebel against the strictures of patriarchal authority.

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* como loca = like a madwoman.

* como una loca = like a madwoman.

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femenino ( ver tb loco II 1)) (fam) ( homosexual afeminado) queen (sl)

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ver tb loco² m,f A. (↑ loco (2))

A ( fam) (travestí) drag queen ( colloq); (homosexual afeminado) queen (sl)

B ( RPI fam) (mujer fácil) floozy ( colloq), tart ( BrE colloq)

( RPl fam) (locura): darle or dársele la loca a algn ver vena

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loca nf

1. Fam [homosexual] queen

2. RP Fam [prostituta] whore, US hooker

3. Comp

darle la loca a alguien: le dio la loca y se mandó mudar he had a sudden brainstorm and decided to move house;

le dio la loca de irse al Tíbet she took it into her head to head off for Tibet

4. ver loco

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f madwoman

1) соц. патриархат

а) ист. (последний период первобытного родового общества, следующий за матриархатом, характеризующийся господством мужчин в хозяйстве, обществе, семье)

б) соц. (любая социальная система, в которой мужчины доминируют над женщинами)

2) пол. патриархат (особо прочная, безусловная форма традиционного политического господства одного властителя; основана на полном подчинении управляемых авторитету патриарха, с которым они по традиции связаны личной зависимостью)

3) рел. патриаршество ( система церковного управления во главе с патриархом)

m. heathen priest; chief (in Iceland during the republic).

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a, m. [Ulf, renders ἱερεύς by gudja (ufar-gudja, ahumista-gudja, etc.), ἱερατεία by gudjinassus, ἱερατεύειν by gudjinôn; an Icel. gyði, gen. gyðja, would answer better to the Goth. form, but it never occurs, except that the fem. gyðja = goddess and priestess points not to goði, but to a masc. with a suppressed final i, gyði; a word coting occurs in O. H. G. glossaries, prob. meaning the same; and the form guþi twice occurs on Danish-Runic stones in Nura-guþi and Saulva-guþi, explained as goði by P. G. Thorsen, Danske Runem.; (Rafn’s explanation and reading of Nura-guþi qs. norðr á Gauði, is scarcely right): with this exception this word is nowhere recorded till it appears in Icel., where it got a wide historical bearing]:—prop. a priest, sacerdos, and hence a liege-lord or chief of the Icel. Commonwealth.

A. HISTORICAL REMARKS.—The Norse chiefs who settled in Icel., finding the country uninhabited, solemnly took possession of the land (land-nám, q. v.); and in order to found a community they built a temple, and called themselves by the name of goði or hof-goði, ‘temple-priest;’ and thus the temple became the nucleus of the new community, which was called goðorð, n.:—hence hof-goði, temple-priest, and höfðingi, chief, became synonymous, vide Eb. passim. Many independent goðar and goðorð sprang up all through the country, until about the year 930 the alþingi (q. v.) was erected, where all the petty sovereign chiefs (goðar) entered into a kind of league, and laid the foundation of a general government for the whole island. In 964 A. D. the constitution was finally settled, the number of goðorð being fixed at three in each þing ( shire), and three þing in each of the three other quarters, (but four in the north); thus the number of goðar came to be nominally thirty-nine, really thirty-six, as the four in the north were only reckoned as three, vide Íb. ch. 5. On the introduction of Christianity the goðar lost their priestly character, but kept the name; and the new bishops obtained seats in the Lögrétta (vide biskup). About the year 1004 there were created new goðar (and goðorð), who had to elect judges to the Fifth Court, but they had no seats in the Lögrétta, and since that time the law distinguishes between forn ( old) and ný ( new) goðorð;—in Glúm. ch. 1 the word forn is an anachronism. It is curious that, especially in the 12th century, the goðar used to take the lesser Orders from political reasons, in order to resist the Romish clergy, who claimed the right of forbidding laymen to be lords of churches or to deal with church matters; thus the great chief Jón Loptsson was a sub-deacon; at last, about 1185, the archbishop of Norway forbade the bishops of Icel. to ordain any holder of a goðorð, unless they first gave up the goðorð, fyrir því bjóðum vér biskupum at vígja eigi þá menn er goðorð hafa, D. I. i. 291. In the middle of the 13th century the king of Norway induced the goðar to hand their power over to him, and thus the union with Norway was finally brought about in the year 1262; since that time, by the introduction of new codes (1272 and 1281), the name and dignity of goðar and goðorð disappeared altogether, so that the name begins and ends with the Commonwealth.

B. DUTIES.—In the alþingi the goðar were invested with the Lögrettu-skipan (q. v.), that is to say, they composed the Lögrétta (the Legislative consisting of forty-eight members—on the irregularity of the number vide Íb. ch. 5), and were the lawgivers of the country; secondly, they had the dómnefna (q. v.), or right of naming the men who were to sit in the courts, vide dómr:—as to their duties in the quarter-parliaments (vár-þing) vide Grág. Þ. Þ. and the Sagas. The authority of the goðar over their liegemen at home was in olden times somewhat patriarchal, vide e. g. the curious passage in Hænsaþ. S. ch. 2; though no section of law relating to this interesting part of the old history is on record, we can glean much information from the Sagas. It is to be borne in mind that the goðar of the Saga time (10th century) and those of the Grágás and Sturlunga time (12th and 13th centuries) were very different; the former were a kind of sovereign chiefs, who of free will entered into a league; the latter had become officials, who for neglecting their duties in parliament might be fined, and even forfeit the goðorð to their liegemen, vide Grág. Þ. Þ. Neither þing (q. v.) nor goðorð was ever strictly geographical (such is the opinion of Konrad Maurer), but changed from time to time; the very word goðorð is defined as ‘power’ (veldi), and was not subject to the payment of tithe, K. Þ. K. 142. The goðorð could be parcelled out by inheritance or by sale; or they might, as was the case in the latter years of the Commonwealth, accumulate in one hand, vide esp. Sturl. passim, and Grág. The liegemen (þingmenn) were fully free to change their lords (ganga í lög með goða, ganga ór lögum); every franklin (þingmaðr) had in parliament to declare his þingfesti, i. e. to name his liegeship, and say to what goði and þing he belonged, and the goði had to acknowledge him; so that a powerful or skilful chief might have liegemen scattered all over the country. But the nomination to the courts and the right of sitting in the legislative body were always bound to the old names, as fixed by the settlement of the year 964; and any one who sought the name or influence of a goði had first (by purchase, inheritance, or otherwise) to become possessor of a share of one of the old traditionary goðorð; see the interesting chapter in Nj. The three goðar in one þing ( shire) were called sam-goða, joint-goðar; for the sense of allsherjar-goði vide p. 17.

C. NAMES.—Sometimes a chief’s name referred to the god whom he especially worshipped, as Freys-Goði, Hrafn., Gísl., whence Freys-gyðlingar, q. v.; (the ör-goði is dubious); more frequently the name referred to the liegemen or county, e. g. Ljósvetninga-Goði, Tungu-Goði, etc.; but in the Saga time, goði was often added to the name almost as a cognomen, and with some, as Snorri, it became a part of their name (as Cato Censor in Latin); hann varðveitti þá hof, var hann þá kallaðr Snorri Goði, Eb. 42; seg, at sá sendi, er meiri vin var húsfreyjunnar at Fróðá en Goðans at Helgafelli, 332. Names on record in the Sagas:—men living from A. D. 874 to 964, Hallsteinn Goði, Landn., Eb.; Sturla Goði, Landn. 65; Jörundr Goði and Hróarr Tungu-Goði, id.; Ljótólfr Goði, Sd.; Hrafnkell Freys-Goði, Hrafn.; Oddr Tungu-Goði, Landn.; Þormóðr Karnár-Goði, Vd.; Áskell Goði, Rd.; Úlfr Ör-goði, Landn.; Grímkell Goði, Harð. S.; Þorgrímr Freys-goði, Gísl. 100, 110:—964 to 1030, Arnkell Goði, Landn., Eb.; Þorgrímr Goði, Eb.; Geirr Goði, Landn., Nj.; Runólfr Goði, id.; Þóroddr Goði, Kristni S.; Þormóðr Allsherjar-Goði, Landn.; Þorgeirr Goði, or Ljósvetninga-Goði, Nj., Landn.; (Þorkell Krafla) Vatnsdæla-Goði, Vd.; Helgi Hofgarða-Goði, Landn., Eb.; Snorri Hlíðarmanna-Goði, Lv.; Þórarinn Langdæla-Goði, Heiðarv. S.; and last, not least, Snorri Goði:—in the following period goði appears, though very rarely, as an appellative, e. g. Þormóðr Skeiðar-Goði (about 1100):—of the new goðar of 1004, Höskuldr Hvítaness-Goði, Nj.:—used ironically, Ingjaldr Sauðeyja-Goði, Ld.

2. goðorð mentioned by name,—in the south, Allsherjar-goðorð, Landn. (App.) 336; Dalverja-goðorð, Sturl. ii. 48; Lundarmanna-goðorð, i. 223; Reykhyltinga-goðorð, 104, iii. 166, 169; Bryndæla-goðorð, Kjaln. S. 402: in the north, Ljósvetninga-goðorð, Lv. ch. 30; Möðruvellinga-goðorð, Bs. i. 488; Vatnsdæla-goðorð, Fs. 68; Fljótamanna-goðorð, Sturl. i. 138: in the west, Snorrunga-goðorð, 55; Jöklamanna-goðorð, iii. 166; Rauðmelinga-goðorð, Eb. 288; Reyknesinga-goðorð, Sturl. i. 9, 19; Þórsnesinga-goðorð, 198: the new godords of the Fifth Court, Laufæsinga-goðorð, Nj. 151; Melamanna-goðorð, id., Band., Sturl. i. 227. Passages in the Sagas and Laws referring to goðar and goðorð are very numerous, e. g. Íb. ch. 5, Nj. ch. 98, Grág., Lögréttu-þáttr, and Þ. Þ. passim, esp. ch. 1–5, 17, 35, 37, 39, 44, 58, 60, 61, Lv. ch. 4 (interesting), Vd. ch. 27, 41 (in fine), and 42, Vápn., Hrafn. ch. 2, Eb. ch. 10, 56, Sturl. iii. 98, 104, passim; for the accumulation of godords, see i. 227 (3, 22), Bs. i. 54; for the handing over the godords to the king of Norway, D. I. i; and esp. article 3 of the Sáttmáli, D. I. i. 631, 632. The godords were tithe-free, ef maðr á goðorð, ok þarf eigi þat til tíundar at telja, vald er þat en eigi fé:, K. Þ. K. 142.

COMPDS: goðakviðr, goðalýrittr, goðaþáttr.

II. = goð, i. e. good genius, in the Icel. game at dice called goða-tafl, with the formula, heima ræð eg goða minn bæði vel og lengi, … og kasta eg svo fyrir þig, cp. also ást-goði.

(-is, -ar), m. a local chief lord (in Norway).

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m. [akin to hérað and herr], a chief, lord, the political name of the Norse chiefs of the earliest age, esp. before the time of Harold Fairhair and the settlement of Iceland: respecting the office and authority of the old hersar the records are scanty, as they chiefly belonged to the prehistorical time; they were probably not liegemen, but resembled the goðar (vide goði) of the old Icel. Commonwealth, being a kind of patriarchal and hereditary chiefs: in this matter the old Landnáma is our chief source of information;—Björn Buna hét hersir ágætr í Noregi, son Veðrar-Gríms hersis í Sogni, móðir Gríms var Hervör dóttir Þorgerðar Eylaugs-dóttur hersis ór Sogni, Landn. 39; Arinbjörn h. ór Fjörðum, 66; Ási h., 76, 303, and another of the same name, 109; Ketill Veðr h. af Hringaríki, 94; Hrólfr h. af Ögðum, 48, 126; Ketill Raumr hét h. ágætr í Raumsdal, 173; Gormr h. ágætr í Svíþjóð, 195; Grímr h., 204; Þorsteinn Höfði h. á Hörðalandi, 228; Þórir Hauknefr h., 237; Úlfr Gildir h. á Þelamörk, 292; Veðr-Ormr h., 314; Arinbjörn h., Eg., Ad. 3; Vigfúss h. af Vörs, Glúm.; Klyppr h. á Hörðalandi, Fb. i. 19; Dala-Guðbrandr h., Ó. H. 106; Björn h. á Örlandi, Eg. 154; Þórir h. í Fjörðum, 155, cp. Rm. 36; hann var sem konungr væri yfir Dölunum, ok var þó h. at nafni, Ó. H. l. c., cp. Fb. i. 23; hersar hafa verit fyrri frændr mínir, ok vil ek ekki bera hærra nafn en þeir, Fms. i. 299: it is also prob. that by ágætr and göfugr (q. v.) the Landnáma means a hersir. At the time of Harold Fairhair the old hersar gradually became liegemen (lendir menn) and were ranked below a jarl ( earl), but above a höldr ( yeoman), the scale being konungr, jarl, hersir, höldr, búandi, see the record in Hkr. i. 80 (Har. S. Hárf. ch. 6), as also Edda 93; the name then becomes rare, except that hersir and lendr maðr are now and then used indiscriminately, heita þeir hersar eða lendir menn, Edda l. c. The old Norse hersar were no doubt the prototype of the barons of Normandy and Norman England.

COMPDS: hersisheiti, hersisnafn.

(gen. -ar), m. the sum which the bridegroom had to pay for his bride, and which after the wedding became her own property.

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m., gen. mundar, dat. mundi; [cp. O. H. G. munt, whence low Lat. mundium = tutelage in the old Teut. laws; women are said to live ‘sub mundio’ of their parents and husbands, Du Cange, s. v.; cp. also Germ. vor-mund = a guardian, and mündling = a minor or a person living under tutelage; perh. akin to mund ( hand), as hand and authority are kindred notions. So in Lat. phrases, in manu parentis, manumissio, etc., used of minors, slaves. In Norse the word is used in a special sense.]

B. In the ancient laws and customs matrimony was a bargain (brúð-kaup), hence the phrase to buy a wife, kaupa konu; the wooing was often performed by a deputy, and at the espousals (festar) a sum was agreed on, which the bridegroom was to pay for his bride. This sum was called mundr; and this transaction between the damsel’s father or guardian and the other party was called mundar-mál or mund-mál, e. g. Nj. ch. 2, Mörðr (the father) svarar, hugsað hefi ek kostinn, hón (i. e. my daughter, the damsel) skal hafa sextigi hundraða, ok skal aukask þriðjungi í þínum garði: hence the phrases, kaupa mey mundi, to buy a maid by mund; mey mundi keypt; gjalda mund, Skv. 1. 30, Fm. 41, N. G. L. i. 27, 48, Am. 93, and passim. No marriage was lawful without the payment of mund, for even if the wedding had been lawfully performed, without such previous payment of mund the sons of such a wedlock were illegitimate, and were called hornung (q. v.),—hann kallaði ykkr frillu-sonu,—Hárekr sagði at þeir mundi vitni til fá at móðir þeirra var mundi keypt, Eg. 40; the least amount of mund in Norway was twelve ounces, called the poor man’s mund (öreiga mundr), N. G. L. i. 27, 54; in Iceland it was a mark, sá maðr er eigi arfgengr er móðir hans er eigi mundi keypt, mörk eða meira fé, Grág. (Kb.) i. 222. On the wedding night the stipulated mund became the wife’s personal property, and thus bears some resemblance to the ‘morning-gift’ (morgun-gjöf) of the later legislation; þá er hjú koma í eina sæing, at þá er konu heimill mundr sinn ok svá vextir af fé því öllu er henni er mælt í mundar-málum, Grág. i. 370. The wife herself or her parents might, in case of divorce after misconduct, call on the husband to pay up the mund and the heiman-fylgja (q. v.) of which he had the charge, Grág. Festaþ. ch. 51; ella mun ek láta nefna mér vátta nú þegar, ok segja skilit við þik, ok mun ek láta föður minn heimta mund minn ok heiman-fylgju, Gísl. 16 (p. 32 in Mr. Dasent’s Gisli the Outlaw), cp. also Yngl. S. ch. 17; nefndi Mörðr (the father) sér vátta, ok lýsti fésök á hendr Rúti (the husband) um fémál dóttur sinnar ok taldi níutigi hundraða fjár, lýsti hann til gjalda ok útgreiðslu, Nj. 15 and Dasent’s Burnt Njal (l. c.), the Sagas passim, at abo Grág., esp. the section Festaþ. ch. vii. sqq. The mundr therefore was different to the dowry (heiman-fylgja), and has nothing answering to it in the modern law, nor perhaps in the old Greek or Roman customs; hence Tacitus speaks of it as something strange, dotem non uxor marito, sed maritus uxori affert. Germ. ch. 18. On the other hand, the Teutonic rites of marriage call to mind the ancient patriarchal times as described in Gen. xxiv and xxix. The etymological connection between mundium = tutelage and the Norse word is not altogether clear. In modern Icelandic usage heiman-mundr is erroneouslv used instead of heiman-fylgja, q. v.